af101010
02-01 12:18 PM
Hi
I have heard in the past from a lawyer that when in H1B status the filing of Green Card must be done and labor certification approved before the 5th anniversary of H1B status. In other words, one cannot start the process for a Green Card in the 6th year of H1B status.
Is this correct? Or is the lawyer being overly cautious?
If such a rule does exist can you please point me to the exact regulation?
Thanks!
I have heard in the past from a lawyer that when in H1B status the filing of Green Card must be done and labor certification approved before the 5th anniversary of H1B status. In other words, one cannot start the process for a Green Card in the 6th year of H1B status.
Is this correct? Or is the lawyer being overly cautious?
If such a rule does exist can you please point me to the exact regulation?
Thanks!
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rajeshkrv
02-17 02:45 PM
thanks satish. that was informative
cbpds
07-11 12:39 AM
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claudia255
07-27 08:53 PM
We will probably hear more about this soon: http://thehill.com/leading-the-news/specter-has-new-immigration-package-2007-07-27.html
more...
Macaca
08-16 05:40 PM
Is the Senate Germane? Majority Leader Reid's Lament (http://www.rollcall.com/issues/53_19/procedural_politics/19719-1.html) By Don Wolfensberger | Roll Call, August 13, 2007
Don Wolfensberger is director of the Congress Project at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars and former staff director of the House Rules Committee.
The story is told that shortly after Thomas Jefferson returned from Paris in 1789, he asked President George Washington why the new Constitution created a Senate. Washington reportedly replied that it was for the same reason Jefferson poured his coffee into a saucer: to cool the hot legislation from the House.
Little could they have known then just how cool the Senate could be. Today, the "world's greatest deliberative body" resembles an iceberg. Bitter partisanship has chilled relationships and slowed legislation to a glacial pace.
The Defense authorization bill is pulled in pique because the Majority Leader cannot prevail on an Iraq amendment; only one of the 12 appropriations bills has cleared the Senate (Homeland Security); an immigration bill cannot even secure a majority vote for consideration; and common courtesies in floor debate are tossed aside in favor of angry barb-swapping. This is not your grandfather's world-class debating society.
Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid's (D-Nev.) frustration level is code red. Minority Leader Mitch McConnell's (R-Ky.) input level is code dead. The chief source of all this animosity and gridlock is the Democrats' intentional strategy to pursue partisan votes on Iraq to pressure the administration and embarrass vulnerable Republican Senators. The predictable side effects have been to poison the well for other legislation and exacerbate already frayed inter-party relationships.
The frustration experienced by Senate Majority Leaders is nothing new and has been amply expressed by former Leaders of both parties. The job has been likened to "herding cats" and "trying to put bullfrogs in a wheelbarrow." But there does seem to be a degree of difference in this Congress for a variety of reasons.
While Iraq certainly is the major factor, the newness of Reid on the job is another. It takes time to get a feel for the wheel. Meanwhile, there will be jerky veers into the ditch. Moreover, McConnell also is new to his job as Minority Leader. So both Leaders are groping for a rock shelf on which to build a workable relationship. Add to this the resistance from the White House at every turn and you have the perfect ice storm.
Reid's big complaint has been the multitude of amendments that slow down work on most bills - especially non-germane amendments - and the way the Senate skips back and forth on amendments with no logical sequence. These patterns and complaints also are not new, but they are a growing obstacle to the orderly management of Senate business.
Reid has asked Rules and Administration Chairwoman Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) to look into expanding the germaneness rule. The existing rule applies only to general appropriations bills, post-cloture amendments and certain budget matters. The committee previously looked at broadening the germaneness rule back in 1988 and recommended an "extraordinary" majority vote (West Virginia Democratic Sen. Robert Byrd suggested three-fifths) for applying a germaneness test on specified bills. But the Senate never considered the change.
The House, by contrast, adopted a germaneness rule in the first Congress on April 7, 1789, drawn directly from a rule invented on the fly and out of desperation by the Continental Congress: "No motion or proposition on a subject different from that under consideration shall be admitted under color of amendment." According to a footnote in the House manual, the rule "introduced a principle not then known to the general parliamentary law, but of high value in the procedure of the House." The Senate chose to remain willfully and blissfully ignorant of the innovation - at least until necessity forced it to apply a germaneness test to appropriations amendments beginning in 1877.
Reid's suggestion to extend the rule to other matters sounds reasonable enough but is bound to meet bipartisan resistance. Any attempt to alter traditional ways in "the upper house" is viewed by many Senators as destructive of the institution. The worst slur is, "You're trying to make the Senate more like the House." Already, Reid's futile attempts to impose restrictive unanimous consent agreements that shut out most, if not all, amendments on important bills are mocked as tantamount to being a one-man House Rules Committee.
What are the chances of the Senate applying a germaneness rule to all floor amendments? History and common sense tell us they are somewhere between nil and none. Senators have little incentive to give up their freedom to offer whatever amendments they want, whenever they want. Others cite high public disapproval ratings of Congress as an imperative for reform. However, there is no evidence the public gives a hoot about non-germane amendments. Only if such amendments are tied directly to blocking urgently needed legislation might public ire be aroused sufficiently to bring pressure for change; and that case has yet to be made.
Nevertheless, the Majority Leader's lament should not be dismissed out of hand. It may well be time for the Senate to undergo another self-examination through public hearings in Feinstein's committee. When Sen. Trent Lott (R-Miss.) chaired that committee in the previous two Congresses, he showed a willingness to publicly air, and even sponsor, suggested changes in Senate rules. One such idea, to make secret "holds" public, has just been adopted as part of the lobby reform bill.
The ultimate barrier to any change in Senate rules is the super-majority needed to end a filibuster. Although, in 1975, the Senate reduced the number of votes required for cloture on most matters from two-thirds of those present and voting to three-fifths of the membership (60), they left the two-thirds threshold in place for ending debates on rules changes. That means an extraordinary bipartisan consensus is necessary for any significant reform. In the present climate that's as likely as melting the polar ice caps. Then again ...
Don Wolfensberger is director of the Congress Project at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars and former staff director of the House Rules Committee.
The story is told that shortly after Thomas Jefferson returned from Paris in 1789, he asked President George Washington why the new Constitution created a Senate. Washington reportedly replied that it was for the same reason Jefferson poured his coffee into a saucer: to cool the hot legislation from the House.
Little could they have known then just how cool the Senate could be. Today, the "world's greatest deliberative body" resembles an iceberg. Bitter partisanship has chilled relationships and slowed legislation to a glacial pace.
The Defense authorization bill is pulled in pique because the Majority Leader cannot prevail on an Iraq amendment; only one of the 12 appropriations bills has cleared the Senate (Homeland Security); an immigration bill cannot even secure a majority vote for consideration; and common courtesies in floor debate are tossed aside in favor of angry barb-swapping. This is not your grandfather's world-class debating society.
Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid's (D-Nev.) frustration level is code red. Minority Leader Mitch McConnell's (R-Ky.) input level is code dead. The chief source of all this animosity and gridlock is the Democrats' intentional strategy to pursue partisan votes on Iraq to pressure the administration and embarrass vulnerable Republican Senators. The predictable side effects have been to poison the well for other legislation and exacerbate already frayed inter-party relationships.
The frustration experienced by Senate Majority Leaders is nothing new and has been amply expressed by former Leaders of both parties. The job has been likened to "herding cats" and "trying to put bullfrogs in a wheelbarrow." But there does seem to be a degree of difference in this Congress for a variety of reasons.
While Iraq certainly is the major factor, the newness of Reid on the job is another. It takes time to get a feel for the wheel. Meanwhile, there will be jerky veers into the ditch. Moreover, McConnell also is new to his job as Minority Leader. So both Leaders are groping for a rock shelf on which to build a workable relationship. Add to this the resistance from the White House at every turn and you have the perfect ice storm.
Reid's big complaint has been the multitude of amendments that slow down work on most bills - especially non-germane amendments - and the way the Senate skips back and forth on amendments with no logical sequence. These patterns and complaints also are not new, but they are a growing obstacle to the orderly management of Senate business.
Reid has asked Rules and Administration Chairwoman Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) to look into expanding the germaneness rule. The existing rule applies only to general appropriations bills, post-cloture amendments and certain budget matters. The committee previously looked at broadening the germaneness rule back in 1988 and recommended an "extraordinary" majority vote (West Virginia Democratic Sen. Robert Byrd suggested three-fifths) for applying a germaneness test on specified bills. But the Senate never considered the change.
The House, by contrast, adopted a germaneness rule in the first Congress on April 7, 1789, drawn directly from a rule invented on the fly and out of desperation by the Continental Congress: "No motion or proposition on a subject different from that under consideration shall be admitted under color of amendment." According to a footnote in the House manual, the rule "introduced a principle not then known to the general parliamentary law, but of high value in the procedure of the House." The Senate chose to remain willfully and blissfully ignorant of the innovation - at least until necessity forced it to apply a germaneness test to appropriations amendments beginning in 1877.
Reid's suggestion to extend the rule to other matters sounds reasonable enough but is bound to meet bipartisan resistance. Any attempt to alter traditional ways in "the upper house" is viewed by many Senators as destructive of the institution. The worst slur is, "You're trying to make the Senate more like the House." Already, Reid's futile attempts to impose restrictive unanimous consent agreements that shut out most, if not all, amendments on important bills are mocked as tantamount to being a one-man House Rules Committee.
What are the chances of the Senate applying a germaneness rule to all floor amendments? History and common sense tell us they are somewhere between nil and none. Senators have little incentive to give up their freedom to offer whatever amendments they want, whenever they want. Others cite high public disapproval ratings of Congress as an imperative for reform. However, there is no evidence the public gives a hoot about non-germane amendments. Only if such amendments are tied directly to blocking urgently needed legislation might public ire be aroused sufficiently to bring pressure for change; and that case has yet to be made.
Nevertheless, the Majority Leader's lament should not be dismissed out of hand. It may well be time for the Senate to undergo another self-examination through public hearings in Feinstein's committee. When Sen. Trent Lott (R-Miss.) chaired that committee in the previous two Congresses, he showed a willingness to publicly air, and even sponsor, suggested changes in Senate rules. One such idea, to make secret "holds" public, has just been adopted as part of the lobby reform bill.
The ultimate barrier to any change in Senate rules is the super-majority needed to end a filibuster. Although, in 1975, the Senate reduced the number of votes required for cloture on most matters from two-thirds of those present and voting to three-fifths of the membership (60), they left the two-thirds threshold in place for ending debates on rules changes. That means an extraordinary bipartisan consensus is necessary for any significant reform. In the present climate that's as likely as melting the polar ice caps. Then again ...
Blog Feeds
06-19 01:30 PM
With all of the publicity recently received in the cases of the abortion clinic and Holocaust museum slayings, I'm surprised that this crime has not been getting a lot of publicity: An outspoken anti-immigration activist who was at the center of a series of violent crimes in Everett earlier this year now stands accused of the home-invasion killings of an Arizona man and his 9-year-old daughter. Shawna Forde, 41, and two associates in her Minuteman American Defense group are charged with two counts of first-degree murder, one count of first-degree burglary and one count of aggravated assault, according to the...
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/06/latest-hate-killer-allegedly-connected-to-fair.html)
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/06/latest-hate-killer-allegedly-connected-to-fair.html)
more...
LONGGCQUE
11-17 10:40 AM
I was not aware of it. Thanks for sharing
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looivy
08-13 10:07 AM
Hi Gurus,
I am in my 9th year H1-B. I have my I-140 approved and I-485 pending since July 2007 through employer A (EB-3).
Employer B is willing to hire me on H1-B (transfer) using AC21 portability (and similarity of jobs). After the move, employer A will revoke my I-140 for sure.
Can I apply for an H1-B transfer with employer C after a year or two using AC21 portability? I do not want to use EAD. I want to use H1-B tansfer (3 year extensions)?
This is a major decision that I have to make.
Please reply at your earliest convenience.
Thanks.
I am in my 9th year H1-B. I have my I-140 approved and I-485 pending since July 2007 through employer A (EB-3).
Employer B is willing to hire me on H1-B (transfer) using AC21 portability (and similarity of jobs). After the move, employer A will revoke my I-140 for sure.
Can I apply for an H1-B transfer with employer C after a year or two using AC21 portability? I do not want to use EAD. I want to use H1-B tansfer (3 year extensions)?
This is a major decision that I have to make.
Please reply at your earliest convenience.
Thanks.
more...
sorcerer666
12-10 10:30 AM
I think they can fire you at anytime, even when you are in the US. I wouldn't withhold my vacation plans for the fear of getting fired while you are on vacation. If you get fired while you are there, you can apply for a visitor visa to come and pack your stuff. It is a very valid reason for you to come back.
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yourvijay
04-01 10:11 AM
I belive you are good to go based on WES evaluation.
Just make sure your documentation shows 16yr education leaving MBA.
Many indians @ UNH...I think Joseph F. Spellman is doing a good in attracting indian students.
Just make sure your documentation shows 16yr education leaving MBA.
Many indians @ UNH...I think Joseph F. Spellman is doing a good in attracting indian students.
more...
varesident
06-29 11:56 PM
I changed my employer 3 months back and didn't expect the dates to get current so soon. My labor with the new employer has just been filed. However, my previous employer told me that if I want to continue with my gc process with them, I need to be their employee again.
Does it make sense for me to do this ? My 485 will not get filed until 10 days from now because I have yet to start with the paperwork.
Will the dates retrogress by then? Please advise me folks.
Does it make sense for me to do this ? My 485 will not get filed until 10 days from now because I have yet to start with the paperwork.
Will the dates retrogress by then? Please advise me folks.
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gconmymind
09-28 05:42 PM
I agree...there is no point. People who get it get it, others have to wait much longer....
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Jeff Wheeler
07-02 12:52 AM
It's not a monitor, it's a computer.
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glosrfc
04-20 11:58 AM
I am...but most of you ain't, so I figured that it made more sense to use an image you'd be more familiar with.
Edit: Although I should point out that there's no image on the page...the statue is created entirely from the patterns and shading applied to the text.
Edit: Although I should point out that there's no image on the page...the statue is created entirely from the patterns and shading applied to the text.
more...
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srarao
07-25 09:25 AM
Any Use for us
http://www.numbersusa.com/index
http://www.numbersusa.com/index
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Blog Feeds
05-05 06:50 AM
My friend John Lamb is an in house corporate lawyer by day and an immigration reform activist in his spare time. Maybe the fact that he's outside the immigration law world gives him some room for thinking outside the box since he's often coming up with creative approaches to changing immigration law. A few months back I wrote about his idea for a "Friends Visa." The idea was largely incorporated in to a bill proposed in Utah recently. Now John has another idea. He would create a program that would allow every person who voluntarily self-deports and stays out of...
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2011/05/the-sacrifice-bunt-visa.html)
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2011/05/the-sacrifice-bunt-visa.html)
more...
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Prashanthi
06-25 05:59 PM
As long as you are in status it is fine, what you need is a valid I-94 or a receipt showing that you applied for a timely extension. You only submit documents that are asked by the officer.
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waitin_toolong
05-05 03:44 PM
no, only after you ae a citizen
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aray
09-29 11:14 AM
Any more comments or suggestions from experts?
Thanks.
Thanks.
Jason31586
07-08 12:01 PM
is it possible to do animations with people and stick figures like done in flash 5,
is there away to get lines to draw in swift 3d instead of stuff like spheres and cubes, please answer
is there away to get lines to draw in swift 3d instead of stuff like spheres and cubes, please answer
ziggy7bs
03-12 10:00 AM
LC was approved in 08-20-07 but I-140 was not filed within 180 days according to new rules. has any body have this problem? will DOL or USCIS let it slip. please help.
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